Nations around the world have contributed in some way to the journey of progress, except Pakistan, as we have done nothing but certify treachery. When freed from British shackles, their spiritual descendants took control. They now dive into the sea of history, aware of the actions of the British and their spiritual descendants, who enslaved a treacherous nation.
Winston Churchill, the British hero who initiated the Bengal Famine resulting in the deaths of 2.1 million, set a precedent followed by others, as the British policy of “Divide & rule” further entangled matters. While the British left, they left behind a divided subcontinent, fueling perpetual conflict between nations. Essentially, those areas that should have been part of Pakistan are now in India, illustrated by Hyderabad and Kashmir. Bengal should have been a separate state; it could never be part of Pakistan. East and West Pakistan shared nothing beyond religion—geography, culture, and language divided them.
There were three main reasons: geographical location, culture, and language. The division of India led to the existence of two countries, but we have treated East Pakistan with disdain from the outset. What happened to the founder of Pakistan, Jinnah, who declared in Dhaka that Urdu would be our national language, ignited protests in East Pakistan. Then Ayub Khan diverted all the money from East Pakistan to Islamabad, turning it into the capital, which sparked intense protests.
Sheikh Mujib presented six points, four of which were related to the economy, including a parliamentary system and forming their own army. However, Ayub Khan, consumed by arrogance, rejected them, declaring Fatima Jinnah and her ally Sheikh Mujib traitors, arresting Sheikh Mujib.
In the 1965 war, only ten percent of the army was deployed to East Pakistan, meaning Bengalis were not important to us. In short, as Ayub left, he handed over command to General Yahya Khan.
Elections were held; Sheikh Mujib won the majority, but Zulfiqar Bhutto refused to accept the mandate. Yahya Khan announced Sheikh Mujib as prime minister, but simultaneously initiated operations in East Pakistan, imprisoning Sheikh Mujib in Faisalabad Jail. Bhutto stirred the Security Council, displaying arrogance and pride, yet General Niazi and the army intervened, liberating East Pakistan with Indian assistance.
That day was as harrowing for every patriot as a storm ravaging the poor, like a dirge cutting through the air, like a smile snatched away, like a lifetime’s effort stolen. Bhutto was brought back, intoxicated by power, made administrator and prime minister. Bhutto announced a commission of inquiry whose report was never made public because the Hamoodur Rahman Commission made harsh decisions and recommendations.
Yet, a few days ago, General Bajwa, perhaps unaware of history, alleged that the fall of Dhaka was not a military but a political mistake, forgetting to mention the Hamoodur Rahman Commission report, which highlighted General Niazi, who was hailed as a lion in global wars (a statement made with a clouded mind).
Under his leadership, Bengalis were looted; insults were hurled at public meetings; Bengalis were subjected to genocide, evidenced by Australian doctor’s estimates of at least sixty thousand women raped. The Hamoodur Rahman Commission report also mentioned a court-martial of twenty generals and the suspension of their allowances, including General Amir, revealing military intervention in the politics of Bangladesh’s formation.
Major General Khadim Hussain Raja, who was commanding officer in East Pakistan at the time of the fall of Dhaka, writes in his book “A Stranger in My Own Country” about an incident during a meeting in the operation room of Dhaka Army Command Center on March 10, 1971, where General Niazi, while talking about Bengalis, said, “I will change the breed of this bastard nation. What do they think of me? I will send my soldiers to their women.” A Bengali officer, Major Mushtaq, was also present in the meeting, who was an excellent officer and a patriotic Pakistani.
The next morning, we received the tragic news that Major Mushtaq had gone to the command headquarters’ washroom and shot himself in the head, immediately ending his life. This incident, after General Niazi took charge of East Pakistan, was the first meeting and Major Mushtaq’s death was the first casualty of General Niazi’s words and deeds.
Regional prejudice was at the top of the list of reasons for the fall of Dhaka.
These were the traitors discussed in meetings in West Pakistan, where it was said they were of short stature and would perish in the world, but they continue to progress, contributing to the world’s booming economies. (Last month, Bangladesh also took an IMF loan because they too suddenly became eager to strengthen their defense system.) Bhutto and the generals of that time are gone, but the pride and arrogance sent as relief to flood victims remains, instead of being returned.
Instead of seeking forgiveness from them, when given any opportunity, they respond with the same arrogance, as General Niazi used to do. If former German Chancellor Angela Merkel can apologize with monthly Apology funds for the actions of Hitler on affected families, then a third world country like Pakistan should not object to doing the same. But it seems we have not learned from the past. Even today, provinces are gripped by control, using them for specific classes at specific places, and Sheikh Mujib’s six points were being discussed during the eighteenth amendment, but God forbid, give people their rights before another traitor emerges, and East Pakistan suffers the same fate, and we start providing aid.
